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Tochter des Herzogs von Kingston, geb. The Nuremberg Principles App. In the Library Request this item to view in the Library's reading rooms using your library card. Details Collect From YY Order a copy Copyright or permission restrictions may apply. We will contact you if necessary. To learn more about Copies Direct watch this short online video. Need help? How do I find a book? Can I borrow this item?
Can I get a copy? Can I view this online? Ask a librarian. Campbell Rwanda, seven years after the genocide : progress and prospects - how can the international community he Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and other First Nations people are advised that this catalogue contains names, recordings and images of deceased people and other content that may be culturally sensitive. Book , Online - Google Books. Hence, in an era of rapid globalization, state foreign policies based upon narrowly defined "national" interests are conceptually obsolete and structurally inadequate to the task of stopping the transsovereign threat of genocide.
The unprecedented violence of the twentieth century has produced three great global prohibitions: first, the prohibition of aggression; second, the prohibition of genocide; and third, the prohibition of nuclear war. If not enforced, they threaten to bring the entire international system crashing down around us all. The international community has been largely successful in prohibiting aggression and nuclear war over the last half- decade, but it has been very unsuccessful in prohibiting genocide during the post - Cold War era. Unless this failure is remedied, unchecked genocide could destroy the very fabric that holds together our present international system.
Great Power Responsibilities No international order can long exist without the most powerful state within that order defending and preserving it. In fact, every international order that has existed since the emergence of the Westphalian state system in has been the product largely of one leading state, whether it was France during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Britain during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, or America during the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
The international order promulgated by the leading state is an extension of the national values, power, and interests of that state. Consequently, a condition of strategic interdependence naturally develops between the leading state and the larger international order it has constructed. As Inis Claude has explained: The idea of international responsibility is generally associated, primarily if not exclusively, with great powers. Indeed, it might be argued that a great power or a world power is by definition a state that has interests and responsibilities beyond both its own boundaries and its immediate neighborhood.
Great powers are singled out, because it is presumed that their capability, unlike that of lesser states, is not likely to be exhausted by the requirements of national interest; they are expected to have a surplus of resources that can be devoted to the needs of the system at large. It is their task to protect the weak and to feed the poor. The prospects of political freedom, human rights, and social justice--indeed, the future of human civilization-- depend largely upon what they do and refrain from doing. If the leading state fails to do this--if it fails to lead--then it invites relative or absolute decline and the disintegration and collapse of the prevailing international order from which it has benefited disproportionately.
This is the situation we face at the cusp of a new millennium.
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In the early twenty-first century, the United States is far and away the most powerful state in the international system. In a recent article in Foreign Affairs, W. For instance, 30 percent of the growth experienced by the United States over the last six years came from expanding global markets, while Americans represent 40 percent of all international travelers. In point of fact, it is critically important! The United States is the "indispensable nation" in any significant global military intervention. As Brown and Rosecrance explain: The United States is particularly key: it alone has the firepower, transport, command and control, communications, intelligence, logistics, and power projection capabilities needed for large-scale operations.
First, wise leadership should have accurately and publicly framed the issue as genocide, citing the overwhelming evidence gathered by the competent UN organs. Second, the global leader should have pressed the UN Security Council to determine genocide to be a core threat to the peace and security of the international system and therefore absolutely vital to halt! Third, the global leader should have urged the Security Council to define clear objectives for UN forces, such as defeating the perpetrators, rescuing the victims, and detaining the leaders of this great crime for possible trial and punishment.
Fourth, the global leader should have urged that UN forces be properly sized and mandated for war-fighting, not peacekeeping, with ground troops given primacy in a robust "AirLand" campaign against the genocidaires. Fifth, the global leader should have rallied domestic political support for the risks and potential sacrifices--in blood and treasure--inherent in such a decisive use of force. Finally, the global leader should have urged the Security Council to issue a diplomatic warning to the perpetrators of genocide to cease immediately their criminal actions or face the application of overwhelming force.
Simultaneously, they should have been preparing those military forces for use "with all deliberate speed," thereby reinforcing the credibility of the diplomatic warning. When actually faced with the horror of contemporary genocide, however, the global system's predominant power--the United States--not only failed to provide enlightened leadership, it actively blocked others from doing so!
In all three cases of contemporary genocide--Bosnia, Rwanda, and Kosovo--the United States refused to consider using its own ground troops to prevent or suppress ongoing genocide, and prevented others in NATO and the UN from doing so. This inaction and obstruction regarding the suppression of contemporary genocide--a core threat to the viability of the international system--was the greatest failure of international leadership since Munich, Notes Chapter 1 1.
James N. Kegley Jr. See, for example, Maryann K. Cusimano, ed. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye Jr. What's Not?
Bangladesh Politiking to Commemorate March 25 as ‘Genocide Day’
And So What? Keohane and Nye, "Globalization," Vayrynen, "Preface," in Globalization, xi. Mingst, "Global Governance," 92, I use here a hybrid of several definitions put forward in the leading literature, but acknowledge that the definition of global governance is continually contested in this period. See Mingst, "Global Governance," Keohane and Nye, "Globalization," ,